HDB组屋一男子楼上邻居在厨房窗外悬挂7块腊肉晾晒
新加坡美食家。

新加坡美食家。
PAP manifesto focuses on economic growth, education, social support, healthcare, housing, sustainability, arts, and social cohesion, with detailed initiatives in each area.
The People's Action Party (PAP) launched their manifesto last Thursday (Apr 17), titled "Changed World, Fresh Team, New Resolve – Securing a Brighter Future for You."
Manifesto focuses on economic growth, education, social support, healthcare, housing, sustainability, arts, and social cohesion, with detailed initiatives in each area.
Here are the key points:
The PAP, as the ruling party, launched its manifesto on April 17, 2025, titled "Our Manifesto, Our Promise," at Infinite Studios. Prime Minister Lawrence Wong emphasized navigating global changes and defending Singapore's interests. Key proposals include:
Education is framed as a cornerstone for future success, with a focus on inclusivity and lifelong learning:
This pillar aims to build a flexible and inclusive education system, though challenges may arise in scaling these initiatives effectively.
Social support is a critical focus, aiming to uplift vulnerable groups and ensure inclusivity:
These measures aim to create a more inclusive society, though their impact may vary based on funding and community uptake.
Healthcare initiatives are designed to cover the entire lifespan, ensuring comprehensive care:
These initiatives aim to build a robust healthcare system, though challenges may include workforce retention and funding sustainability.
Housing remains a priority, addressing both supply and quality of living:
These efforts aim to ensure affordable and quality housing, though market dynamics may pose implementation challenges.
Sustainability is a key focus, balancing urban development with environmental care:
These initiatives aim to create a sustainable urban environment, though their success may depend on community engagement and funding.
Arts and culture are highlighted as vital for quality of life and national identity:
These efforts aim to enrich cultural and sporting life, though their impact may vary based on public participation.
Social cohesion is framed as essential for national unity and resilience:
These measures aim to build a united and engaged society, though their effectiveness may depend on community buy-in.
Pillar | Key Initiative | Target Beneficiaries |
---|---|---|
Economic Growth | Adopt AI and clean energy | Businesses, PMETs |
Education | Build 4 new SPED schools by 2030 | Students with special needs |
Social Support | Extend Progressive Wages to more sectors | Lower-wage workers |
Healthcare | Add 13,600 new hospital beds in 5 years | General population |
Housing | Build 50,000 new HDB flats in 3 years | Home seekers |
Sustainability | Create 25 new parks | Residents, environmentalists |
Arts and Culture | Expand SG Culture Pass | Arts enthusiasts |
Social Cohesion | Enhance integration efforts | New citizens, diverse groups |
The PAP, WP, SDP and PSP have rolled out their housing manifestos, each claiming to fix voters' housing concerns. But do they deliver?
With HDB resale prices up 50% since 2020 and BTO waiting times stretching to five years, affordability and access are strangling young couples, singles, and retirees alike.
The 99-year lease model, once a cornerstone of stability, now looms as a ticking time bomb for ageing flats.
The PAP, WP, SDP and PSP have rolled out their housing manifestos, each claiming to fix voters' housing concerns.
But do they deliver?
Flood the market with supply, tweak eligibilit, and tackle lease decay head-on
The PAP, Singapore’s ruling juggernaut, promises to build over 50,000 new HDB flats in three years—enough for an entire Ang Mo Kio town.
They’re doubling down on Shorter Waiting Time flats to cut BTO delays, exploring options for higher-income couples and singles, and pushing the Voluntary Early Redevelopment Scheme (VERS) to rejuvenate old estates like Kallang-Whampoa.
More flats don’t automatically mean cheaper flats
The Housing Price Index (HPI) ratio—median flat price to median income—hovers around 5-6, far from affordable for a $80,000-a-year household eyeing a $400,000 4-room BTO.
PAP’s reliance on grants, like the Enhanced CPF Housing Grant, is a band-aid, not a cure, when resale prices have soared 50% in five years.
VERS sounds promising but lacks teeth—its voluntary nature and vague compensation details leave residents guessing, unlike the more decisive Selective En bloc Redevelopment Scheme (SERS).
Expanding access for singles and higher-income groups is inclusive but risks diverting resources from lower-income families who can’t even dream of a $500,000 resale flat.
And while 50,000 flats sound impressive, global supply chain crunches and labor shortages could derail delivery, as seen in past construction delays.
Stability, not affordability
PAP’s plan is feasible, backed by HDB’s machine and approximately $1.2 trillion in reserves, but it’s incremental, not transformative.
PAP is betting on stability, not affordability, leaving young Singaporeans stuck in a cycle of grants and grit.
The Workers’ Party takes a different tack, zeroing in on affordability with a promise to slash the HPI ratio to 3.0 or below—meaning a 4-room flat for a median-income family would cost no more than $240,000.
They propose 70-year BTO leases at lower prices, with an option to top up to 99 years, and a universal buy-back scheme to rescue retirees from depreciating flats.
To sweeten the deal, WP wants HDB to reacquire coffee shops and cap rents to inflation, easing living costs in estates.
Gutsy policy proposals but no clarity on how to fund it
WP's proposed housing policies speak directly to middle-class families and retirees crushed by prices.
An HPI of 3.0 would be a game-changer, making homeownership a reality, not a pipe dream.
The 70-year lease option is clever, offering flexibility for cash-strapped buyers, while the buy-back scheme tackles lease decay with precision, ensuring grannies in 40-year-old flats aren’t left penniless.
A very costly proposal
But ambition comes at a cost.
Dropping the HPI to 3.0 means slashing flat prices by 40-50%, requiring massive subsidies or land cost write-offs that could dent fiscal reserves or spike taxes.
The buy-back scheme, while noble, could cost billions if applied universally, and WP’s manifesto is mum on funding.
Worse, there’s no clear plan to boost flat supply, leaving waiting times untouched—a glaring blind spot when young couples are begging for faster BTOs.
WP’s heart is in the right place, but its wallet might not be.
The Progress Singapore Party swings for the fences with its Affordable Homes Scheme (AHS), scrapping BTOs to sell flats without land costs—recovered only on resale. This could halve prices, dropping a $400,000 flat to $200,000.
Singles aged 28+ get to buy 2- and 3-room flats anywhere, more flats will be built based on demand, and a Millennial Apartments Scheme offers short-term rentals in prime spots for young folks.
It’s a bold, youth-centric vision, promising to break the affordability curse and free CPF savings for retirement.
Revolutionary if it works, catastrophic if it flops
AHS is a stroke of genius on paper, tackling the root of high prices: land costs, which eat up half a flat’s value.
Letting singles buy at 28 in any estate is a nod to a growing demographic—30% of adults are single—while rental apartments cater to millennials delaying marriage.
But genius comes with glitches.
Deferring land costs guts government revenue ($20 billion yearly from land sales), risking budget shortfalls or reserve dips that Singapore’s fiscal hawks will savage.
Resale markets could tank as cheap new flats flood in, rattling homeowners’ wealth.
AHS demands a complete HDB overhaul, a bureaucratic nightmare to implement.
The Millennial Scheme sounds sexy but faces land scarcity in prime areas, limiting scale.
And PSP’s silence on lease decay is a fatal flaw—retirees with 30 years left on their flats get no lifeline.
It’s a high-stakes gamble: revolutionary if it works, catastrophic if it flops.
Slash prices with NOM flats, prioritize families, and secure retirements
The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) proposes a transformative Non-Open Market (NOM) Scheme, selling HDB flats at cost—excluding land costs—for as low as S$70,000 (2-room) to S$240,000 (5-room).
NOM flats can’t be resold on the open market, only back to HDB, curbing speculation.
The Young Families Priority Scheme (YFPS) fast-tracks flat access for couples with kids, while singles, single parents, and low-income renters get broader eligibility.
An enhanced Lease Buy-Back Scheme offers seniors inflation-adjusted annuities, and a buffer stock of flats aims to slash waiting times.
A sophisticated Vickrey-Clarke-Groves (VCG) balloting system promises efficient allocation.
Affordability and inclusivity with a side of complexity
SDP’s NOM Scheme is a masterstroke for affordability, potentially cutting a 4-room flat from S$400,000 to S$160,000, freeing CPF savings for retirement and family needs.
YFPS directly tackles Singapore’s dismal 0.78 Total Fertility Rate by prioritizing young families, while inclusive policies for singles and single parents resonate with 30% of adults who are single.
The buffer stock and VCG system could shrink waiting times, addressing a key pain point.
The annuity-based Lease Buy-Back is a lifeline for retirees, ensuring dignity without depleting equity.
Bold but tricky to execute
NOM’s cost-recovery model, while appealing, risks government revenue losses similar to PSP’s AHS, though SDP’s resale restrictions may stabilize markets better.
Converting existing flats to NOM could spark legal or financial disputes over compensation.
The VCG system, while innovative, may confuse applicants unused to bidding premiums, and maintaining a buffer stock demands precise demographic forecasting to avoid oversupply.
Funding grants for low-income households (up to S$60,000) and annuities could strain reserves without clear fiscal plans.
SDP’s vision is bold and inclusive but hinges on complex execution and public buy-in.
Singapore’s housing crisis—skyrocketing prices, endless waits, and lease decay—demands more than manifesto bravado.
PAP offers stability and supply but ducks affordability, betting voters will trust its track record over flashy fixes. Its plan will keep the system humming but won’t ease the squeeze.
WP’s price-slashing ambition and retiree focus hit the mark but stumble on funding and supply, risking empty promises. Its heart is right, but its math is shaky.
PSP’s radical AHS and youth appeal are electrifying but teeter on fiscal recklessness, ignoring older voters’ fears and homeowners who see housing as their nest egg. Its vision is thrilling but could crash the economy.
SDP balances affordability, inclusivity, and demographic fixes with NOM flats and family-focused policies, but its complex mechanisms and revenue risks need ironclad execution. Its plan is ambitious but navigates a tightrope.
GE2025’s housing debate exposes a truth - no party has a silver bullet. Voters must weigh stability against bold reform, affordability against fiscal prudence, and inclusivity against execution risks.
Aspect | PAP | WP | PSP | SDP |
Key Proposals | 50,000+ new flats, Shorter Waiting Time flats, VERS, options for singles/higher-income. | HPI ≤3.0, 70-year leases, universal buy-back, coffee shop rent caps. | AHS (no land cost), singles 28+, more supply, Millennial Apartments. | NOM Scheme (cost-recovery flats), YFPS, enhanced Lease Buy-Back, buffer stock, VCG balloting. |
Affordability | Relies on supply and grants; no direct price cuts. | Targets HPI ≤3.0; flexible leases for cost savings. | AHS removes land costs; highly affordable but disruptive. | NOM flats slash prices (e.g., S$160,000 for 4-room); grants for low-income. |
Lease Decay | VERS rejuvenates old estates; proactive but vague. | Universal buy-back; direct but costly. | No specific measure; overlooks ageing flats. | Enhanced Lease Buy-Back with annuities; preserves equity. |
Supply and Access | Strong focus on 50,000+ flats; inclusive for singles/higher-income. | Limited supply focus; emphasizes affordability over volume. | Increases supply; strong singles’ access at 28+. | Buffer stock to cut waits; inclusive for singles, single parents, renters. |
Innovation | Incremental; builds on BTO/VERS frameworks. | Moderate; new lease options and buy-back scheme. | Transformative; AHS and Millennial Scheme rethink housing models. | Transformative; NOM, VCG, and YFPS overhaul pricing and allocation. |
Feasibility | High; leverages HDB’s systems and reserves. | Moderate; HPI target and buy-back costly but implementable. | Low to moderate; AHS fiscally risky, others feasible. | Moderate; NOM and VCG complex but actionable with reserves. |
Voter Appeal | Likely appeals to families, older voters, and those prioritizing stability and supply. | Likely attracts middle-class families, retirees, and young couples seeking affordability. | Likely draws younger voters, singles, and reformists open to bold changes. | Likely appeals to young families, singles, retirees, and those valuing inclusivity and affordability. |
Dr Tan called PM Wong's statement on the US tariffs as a fear-mongering but later admitted that it's a very serious problem.
During the PSP's manifesto launch early this month (Apr 6), Dr Tan Cheng Bock, the party's chairman, criticized the government's response to the US tariffs as "overblown".
He suggested that the government's strong warnings, such as Prime Minister Lawrence Wong's (PM Wong) statement on about the "likelihood of a full-blown global trade war," might be an attempt to "instil fear" in voters to make them choose the incumbent as a "safe bet" ahead of the General Election.
In a YouTube video, PM Wong urged Singaporeans to brace themselves because the risks are real and the stakes high.
Dr Tan called for economists to study the real impact of the tariffs. "Don't just make statements of this kind and scare everybody," he said.
On Saturday (Apr 19), Dr Tan reiterated his party’s stance on the trade war, calling it “a very difficult problem, but a very serious problem” that “we are not taking lightly”.
He said: "Trump is so unpredictable. I cannot give you the answer also. But i don't think that we are just lying low and say oh, nothing to worry. of course, we worry differently. We are looking for answers. This is a very difficult, serious problem. And we are not taking it lightly."
PSP's position on the US tariffs reflects a critical view of the government's initial response as potentially exaggerated for political gain but later recognized the trade war's significant economic implications that should not be taken lightly.
No system guarantees flawless candidates, but knowingly selecting a convict pre-election reflects a clearer lapse in judgment.
Singapore Democratic Party’s (SDP) Chee Soon Juan has made a questionable choice nominating Ariffin Sha, the 27-year-old founder of Wake Up, Singapore (WUSG), to contest Marsiling-Yew Tee GRC.
The decision is not a minor oversight—it points to a lapse in judgment that may cast doubts on Chee’s fitness for ministerial office.
While the People’s Action Party (PAP) has faced its own scandals involving individuals who were later convicted (Eg. Iswaran), these typically emerge after elections, not before.
In August 2024, Ariffin was fined S$8,000 after pleading guilty to criminal defamation for publishing a fabricated story about KK Women’s and Children’s Hospital, falsely claiming a woman suffered a miscarriage due to negligence.
Chee’s response to Ariffin's red flag is has been evasive.
At a press conference on April 13, 2025, he urged voters to focus on SDP’s policies, not Ariffin’s past, and compared the case to former PAP Speaker Tan Chuan-Jin’s resignation over an extramarital affair. The comparison misses the mark: Tan’s personal lapse, while serious, did not involve lawbreaking or public harm.
Chee’s deflection sidesteps the core issue of vetting a candidate with a known conviction.
The PAP is not immune to scrutiny.
Cases like former Transport Minister S. Iswaran’s corruption charges in January 2024 and former Tampines GRC MP Cheng Li Hui’s affair with Speaker of Parliament Tan Chuan Jin reveal vetting gaps.
However, these issues emerged after elections. The PAP acted decisively, removing Iswaran from his post and asked both Tan Chuan Jin and Cheng Li Hui to resign.
No system guarantees flawless candidates, but knowingly selecting a convict pre-election reflects a clearer lapse in judgment.
Ariffin’s case strikes at Singapore’s zero-tolerance stance on misinformation.
In 2024, POFMA was invoked 15 times to correct falsehoods, underscoring the harm of unchecked narratives. Ariffin’s defamation directly contravened this ethos, making his nomination a liability in a constituency where community cohesion is vital.
Residents value reliability in governance. Chee’s oversight suggests a disconnect, potentially eroding confidence in SDP’s ability to address bread-and-butter issues like job security and affordability.
Ariffin’s supporters may cite his work with Wake Up, Singapore, which amplifies marginalized voices, or argue his youth mitigates his error. These arguments carry limited weight.
Public office demands high standards, especially in Singapore, where trust underpins stability.
Ariffin’s conviction reflects a lapse in responsibility, and Chee’s endorsement suggests inadequate scrutiny.
If you have no time to read all manifestos, just read this summary.
The manifestos of the People’s Action Party (PAP), Workers’ Party (WP), Progress Singapore Party (PSP), and Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) for the 2025 Singapore General Election reveal a spectrum of priorities, as summarized in the following table:
Aspect | PAP | WP | PSP | SDP |
---|---|---|---|---|
Vision | Stability and continuity; incremental improvements. | Pragmatic reform; balanced change. | Bold transformation; radical reforms. | Social justice and equity; transformative democratic change. |
Cost of Living | Enhances Assurance Package, CDC vouchers, maintains GST at 9% with offsets. | GST exemptions for essentials, National Minimum Wage ($1,600). | Reduce GST to 7%, exempt essentials, defer HDB land costs. | Abolish GST on essentials, tax top 1%, reinstate estate duty, minimum wage. |
Housing | Over 50,000 new HDB flats, Shorter Waiting Time flats, VERS rejuvenation. | 70-year BTO leases, universal buy-back schemes, affordability focus. | Affordable Homes Scheme (AHS), Millennial Apartments Scheme. | Non-Open Market (NOM) Scheme with $270,000 HDB price cap, sustainable VERS, more flats. |
Jobs and Wages | Supports PMETs, fair employment safeguards, Progressive Wage Credit. | EP reforms, SkillsFuture enhancements, local talent priority. | $2,250 minimum living wage, EP quotas, retrenchment benefits. | Minimum wage, Talent Track Scheme for foreign PMETs, reduce foreign labor, scrap CPF Minimum Sum. |
Social Safety Net | Reinforces ComCare, Silver Support, Workfare enhancements. | Expands healthcare subsidies, simplifies assistance, retiree support. | $1,800 minimum living income, caregiver allowances, MediSave expansion. | National Health Investment Fund (NHIF), free maternal/pediatric care, 10-point Malay community plan, gender equality initiatives. |
Education | Customized education, SPED expansion, lifelong learning. | Class size caps at 23, holistic education, later school start times. | 10-year through-train program, class size reduction, local student priority. | Abolish PSLE, reduce class sizes, holistic curriculum, address socio-economic disparities. |
Governance | Maintains stability, anti-corruption, improves communication. | Office of Ombudsman, standing committees, GRC abolition. | Freedom of Information Act, asset declaration, GRC abolition. | Reduce ministerial salaries, reform POFMA, constitutional reforms for civil liberties, divest GLCs, regional democratic partnerships. |
Environment | New parks, marine parks, transport infrastructure. | Renewable energy targets (50% by 2040), forest conservation. | Environmental Impact Assessments, hasten renewables. | Strengthen Paris Agreement, EV incentives, oppose 10 million population, enforce haze act, reduce single-use packaging. |
Feasibility | Highly feasible; leverages existing systems. | Feasible; builds on existing frameworks. | Ambitious but risky; requires significant changes. | Highly ambitious; faces significant fiscal and political challenges. |
Voter Appeal | Appeals to conservative voters, older generations, middle to upper-income brackets valuing stability and economic growth. | Attracts middle-class families, younger voters concerned about housing and education, seeking a stronger check on PAP. | Draws younger demographics, lower-income workers, reformists willing to risk significant change. | Appeals to lower-income groups, youth, and reformists frustrated with inequality and governance restrictions, but may alienate moderates due to radicalism. |
This table highlights the diversity in approach, with PAP focusing on continuity, WP on balanced reform, PSP on transformative change, and SDP on social justice and democratic overhaul.
Addressing Public Concerns:
Housing:
Governance and Democracy:
Economic Growth:
Social Safety Net:
PAP: Appeals to voters valuing economic stability, strong governance, and proven leadership, attracting conservative voters, older generations, and middle to upper-income brackets. Its continuity is robust but may seem out-of-touch with reformists.
WP: Offers a credible, pragmatic alternative, appealing to middle-class families, younger voters concerned about housing and education, and those desiring a stronger check on PAP. Its balanced approach is feasible but may lack transformative vision.
PSP: Presents a bold platform for change, drawing support from younger demographics, lower-income workers, and reformists willing to risk significant change. Its ambition is appealing but faces feasibility challenges.
SDP: Champions social justice and democratic reform, appealing to lower-income groups, youth, and reformists frustrated with inequality and governance restrictions. Its radical proposals (e.g., abolish PSLE, scrap CPF Minimum Sum) resonate with those seeking systemic change but risk alienating moderates due to limited electoral track record and vague costings.
The election outcome on May 3, 2025, will hinge on voter priorities—stability versus change—and how each party builds trust amid economic and social challenges.
Su | Mo | Tu | We | Th | Fr | Sa |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
30 | 31 | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 |
6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 |
13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 |
20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 |
27 | 28 | 29 | 30 | 1 | 2 | 3 |