Ariffin Sha, founder of Wake Up Singapore and Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) candidate for GE2025, and Raeesah Khan, former Workers’ Party MP have one thing in common: a failure to uphold truth.

Both, in their respective arenas—alternative media and Parliament—have faltered, revealing a troubling symmetry.

Ariffin is the male counterpart to Raeesah, not in ambition or ideology, but in their shared disregard for facts when narrative suits their cause.

Background

Ariffin, a 27-year-old law graduate and SDP candidate for Marsiling-Yew Tee GRC, built Wake Up Singapore (WUSG) as a platform for socio-political commentary.

A legal executive by day, he manages WUSG, which boasts over 100,000 followers.

In March 2022, WUSG published a fabricated story about a miscarriage at KK Women’s and Children’s Hospital (KKH), alleging staff mishandled a foetus.

The claim, based on doctored documents from KKH patient Ma Su Nandar Htwe, was false.

Ariffin’s platform failed to verify the story, leading to a criminal defamation charge, a guilty plea, and an S$8,000 fine in August 2024. His apology and retraction came only after exposure, too late to restore trust in KKH, which serves 12,000 inpatients annually.

Raeesah Khan, a 31-year-old former MP for Sengkang GRC, committed a parallel offense in August 2021. She claimed in Parliament to have accompanied a rape victim to a police station, where an officer made insensitive remarks. This was a lie, admitted three months later, rooted in her personal trauma but lacking any factual basis.

Her resignation from the Workers’ Party and a recommended S$35,000 fine followed, alongside a breach of parliamentary privilege that eroded trust in elected officials.

Both Ariffin and Raeesah leveraged significant platforms—WUSG’s social media reach and Khan’s parliamentary pulpit—to amplify unverified claims.

Both tackled sensitive issues (healthcare and sexual assault) that demand rigor, not recklessness.

Their admissions of fault, only after being cornered, reveal a willingness to prioritize narrative over truth, whether driven by zeal or negligence.

Dr Chee pleads for "mature" political discourse

At SDP's press conference, Dr Chee was asked how he would respond to any voters concerned about Mr Ariffin Sha’s previous conviction.

He claimed Ariffin had “very ably” made a case for younger Singaporeans and urged a focus on issues over personal attacks. “We want (the) Singapore political system to mature… where we can talk about issues and not go back into past practices where we are just destroying people in terms of talking about their personalities,” Chee said.

He compared Ariffin’s case to PAP politicians’ mistakes, citing former Speaker Tan Chuan-Jin, who resigned in 2023 over an extramarital affair with a Tampines GRC MP. “We want to be judged by the same standards,” Chee added, rejecting “personal demonization.”

Mr Tan resigned from his position and from the PAP in 2024 over an affair he had with a fellow party member who was a Tampines GRC MP.

“We want to be judged by the same standards,” Dr Chee said, adding that he wished to avoid a situation of “personal demonization, that is not in keeping with a mature civilized election campaign”.

Comparing Sha’s conviction to PAP’s Tan Chuan-Jin’s personal scandal, however, is a false equivalence—adultery doesn’t undermine public institutions; spreading falsehoods does.

Chee’s plea to focus on “issues” over “personalities” conveniently ignores that Sha’s lapse is the issue: judgment matters in leadership.

Raeesah’s case is equally indefensible.

Her lie, though tied to personal trauma, was not a slip but a calculated statement repeated thrice in Parliament, undermining the Workers’ Party’s credibility and fueling skepticism about opposition accountability.

Weaponizing sensitivities for moral posturing

Both cases expose a deeper issue: the temptation to weaponize sensitive topics for clout or moral posturing.

Ariffin and Raeesah, in their respective roles, failed to grasp the weight of their platforms, treating truth as negotiable when it suited their ends.

As GE2025 looms, Ariffin's candidacy with SDP and Raeesah's retreat from politics highlight divergent paths but a shared lesson: public figures must be held to a higher standard.

Voters in Marsiling-Yew Tee deserve candidates who prioritize evidence over emotion.

Ariffin's fine may close his legal chapter, but his platform’s lapse raises questions about his judgment. Raeesah's resignation, while accountability of a sort, leaves a stain on the opposition’s claim to moral high ground.

Whether in media or Parliament, the duty to verify, clarify, and rectify is non-negotiable.

Anything less is a disservice to the nation.

The Workers' Party (WP) released its manifesto for Singapore's 2025 General Election last Thursday (Apr 17) titled “Working for Singapore.”

The 122-page document, launched at the WP headquarters, outlines 125 policy proposals across five key areas: affordability and cost of living, economic growth and opportunities, inclusion and equality, accountability and democracy, and security and geopolitics.

Below is a detailed, reorganized summary of the manifesto’s key points, structured for clarity and coherence.

1. Affordability and Cost of Living

The WP proposes a range of measures to address Singapore’s high cost of living, focusing on transparency, alternative revenue sources, financial safety nets, and affordability of essential services and goods.

• Transparency in Cost Management: Establish a Standing Parliamentary Committee on Cost of Living to monitor and ensure transparency in addressing living expenses.

• Alternative Revenue Sources: Reduce reliance on Goods and Services Tax (GST) by:

  • Recognizing revenue from land sales over the first 9 years immediately.

  • Increasing the Net Investment Returns Contribution (NIRC) from 50% to 60%.

  • Introducing taxes on alcohol, carbon, and tobacco.

  • Implementing a net wealth tax of 0.5-2% on the top 1% of wealth holders.

  • Setting a minimum corporate tax rate of 15%.

• GST Exemptions: Exempt essential items, such as basic food, from GST to lower costs for households.

• Redundancy Insurance Scheme: Introduce a scheme providing 40% of the last drawn salary for 6 months, capped at 40% of median income, funded by a 0.1% monthly premium shared between employers and employees.

• Retrenchment Benefits: Mandate retrenchment benefits for private sector employers with 25 or more employees.

• National Minimum Wage: Set a minimum wage of $1,600 for full-time workers, pro-rated for part-time workers.

• Tiered Utility Pricing: Implement tiered pricing for electricity and water with a graduated Water Conservation Tax ranging from 30-60%.

• Healthcare Affordability:

  • Lift the MediSave cap for individuals over 60 to increase access to savings for medical expenses.

  • Introduce the Silver Living Development Scheme for affordable assisted living facilities.

  • Include persons with disabilities (PwDs) in Community Health Assist Scheme (CHAS) subsidies.

  • Establish a National Cancer Care Appeals Board to handle complex cancer cases.

• Housing Affordability:

  • Ensure the Housing Price Index (HPI) ratio is ≤3.0 for first-time Build-To-Order (BTO) buyers.

  • Offer 70-year BTO leases at lower prices with an option to extend to 99 years.

  • Implement a universal buy-back scheme for ageing HDB flats.

• Support for Local Businesses:

  • Have the National Environment Agency (NEA) manage hawker centres to keep costs low.

  • Have the Housing Development Board (HDB) reacquire coffee shops to control rental prices.

  • Have JTC Corporation expand low-rent industrial spaces for small businesses.

  • Cap rental growth to the rate of inflation.

• Education Subsidies:

  • Extend preschool fee assistance to all preschools in HDB estates.

  • Equalize Special Education (SPED) school fees to $13 per month.

• Transport Affordability:

  • Reduce Certificate of Entitlement (COE) volatility by redistributing quotas, categorizing motorcycle COEs by value, requiring private hire cars to be in the Open category, and ensuring equitable Electronic Road Pricing (ERP) 2.0 with discounts.

  • Establish a National Transport Corporation (NTC) to operate public transport on a non-profit basis.

  • Provide free off-peak public transport for seniors and PwDs.

  • Increase subsidies for school buses for students with disabilities.

2. Economic Growth and Opportunities

The WP aims to foster economic growth by prioritizing local talent, supporting small businesses, and preparing for an ageing population through innovative industries and financial reforms.

• Local Talent Development:

  • Tie Employment Pass (EP) renewals to skills transfer programs to benefit local workers.

  • Introduce fixed-term passes for industries with fewer local shortages.

  • Track and report Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) for foreign worker employment.

  • Expand intakes at Institutes of Technical Education (ITE), polytechnics, and universities for Shortage Occupation List (SOL) roles.

  • Lower the SkillsFuture mid-career qualifying age to 35.

  • Offer interest-free SkillsFuture education loans for Continuing Education and Training (CET).

  • Allow SkillsFuture Credit to be used for AI subscriptions.

  • Align curriculum with labor market needs through feedback loops.

  • Subsidize tradespersons licensing courses for those under 40 and enforce licensing.

  • Track skills-related underemployment to address workforce mismatches.

• Support for SMEs:

  • Train managers in leadership skills to improve business efficiency.

  • Benchmark salaries by sector to ensure competitiveness.

  • Streamline grants for green transitions, such as the Energy Efficient Grant.

  • Establish an Export-Import Bank (Exim Bank) to support exports, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), digitalization, and sustainability.

• Retirement Age Reform: Abolish the statutory retirement age, complementing the Workplace Fairness Act 2025, without affecting the CPF Payout Age.

• Silver Industries: Develop telemedicine, healthtech, mobility tech, elderly nutrition, and assisted living solutions to cater to nearly 1 million elderly by 2030.

• CPF Enhancements:

  • Offer an option to co-invest with the Government of Singapore Investment Corporation (GIC) for higher returns.

  • Provide special dividends from GIC returns.

  • Review the CPF Ordinary Account (OA) interest rate formula.

  • De-link the HDB loan rate from the CPF OA rate, pegging it to 0.1% above the 3-month fixed deposit rate, with a floor of 2.6%.

3. Inclusion and Equality

The WP seeks to promote social equity by addressing poverty, supporting vulnerable groups, and ensuring fair access to education, healthcare, and employment opportunities.

• Social Outcome Tracking: Publish a developmental dashboard covering GDP, inequality, participation, health, and climate goals; adopt the ILO Social Protection Framework; issue annual reports.

• Poverty Line: Set an official poverty line through a committee with government, civil society, and academia; peg assistance thresholds to this line.

• Support for Parents and Caregivers:

  • Extend childcare leave per child up to age 12.

  • Establish Family Care Leave of up to 6 days per year, with the first 3 days employer-paid.

  • Provide additional leave for multiple care recipients.

  • Compensate caregivers with tiered payments and CPF contributions.

  • Expand the Home Caregiving Grant to $600 per month for Instrumental Activities of Daily Living (IADLs).

  • Create a single support point for parents of disabled children.

  • Expand the Early Intervention Programme for Infants and Children (EIPIC).

  • Expand respite care with subsidies for lower-income families.

  • Offer tax relief for employers with re-entry programs.

• Gender Health Gap: Include peri/menopausal check-ups and physiotherapy subsidies in Healthier SG, and provide support for mothers.

• Dental Care: Expand subsidies and allow MediSave use for dental care from age 60 by mid-2026.

• Polyclinic Access: Increase walk-in slots at polyclinics for seniors and PwDs.

• Education Reforms:

  • Reduce class sizes to 23 (from 29-33, compared to OECD’s 21-24).

  • Implement later school start times: primary at 8:00 am, secondary at 8:30 am, post-secondary at 9:00 am.

  • Offer an optional 10-year through-train programme from Primary 1 to Secondary 4, eliminating the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE).

  • Introduce a Teach for Singapore scheme for dual-trained teachers.

  • Centralize tuition for low-income students on school premises with Edusave incentives.

• SkillsFuture for PwDs: Enhance SkillsFuture programs to better support persons with disabilities.

• Housing for Singles: Lower the minimum age for buying BTO flats for singles to 28.

• Ethnic Integration Policy: Abolish block quotas while retaining neighborhood quotas.

• Foreign Spouses: Implement a points-based residency system with transparent rejection reasons.

• Workplace Fairness:

  • Require employers with 10 or more employees to report gender pay gaps.

  • Ban non-compete clauses for mid- and low-level employees.

  • Enhance the Workplace Fairness Act to better protect PwDs.

  • Revert the Working Mother’s Child Relief (WMCR) to a percentage-based system with a $1,000 tax credit for mothers earning less than $25,000.

• National Holidays: Reinstate Thaipusam as a national holiday, bringing the total to 12 holidays.

4. Accountability and Democracy

The WP proposes reforms to strengthen democratic institutions, enhance transparency, and ensure fair elections and governance.

• Accountability Mechanisms:

  • Establish an Office of Ombudsman to investigate complaints and publish annual reports.

  • Set up Select Committees for each ministry to oversee operations.

  • Form a non-partisan Parliamentary Budget Office to evaluate policy proposals.

  • Reform the Presidential Council for Minority Rights (PCMR) to be non-political with fixed terms.

  • Enhance the Ministerial Code with independent assessments by the Auditor-General and judges.

  • Regulate lobbying with a public register.

• Voice and Agency:

  • Lower the voting age to 18 to increase youth participation.

  • Safeguard the independence of institutions like the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC), Elections Department (ELD), and Electoral Boundaries Review Committee (EBRC) under multi-partisan oversight.

  • Prohibit close relatives or political appointees from holding key positions in these institutions.

• Anti-Corruption and Elections:

  • Reconstitute the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) as the NACC, led by an independent Commissioner, Deputy Commissioners, and CEO, overseen by a multi-partisan Parliamentary Committee.

  • Ensure ELD and EBRC operate independently from the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO).

• Electoral Reforms:

  • Abolish Group Representation Constituencies (GRCs), Non-Constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP), and Nominated Member of Parliament (NMP) schemes.

  • Revert all GRCs to Single Member Constituencies (SMCs).

  • Require parties to field multiracial slates.

  • Amend Article 49 to hold by-elections within 3 months for vacant SMCs.

• Presidency Reforms:

  • Revert to a ceremonial President appointed by Parliament.

  • Establish a separate Senate for discretionary powers.

  • Allow Parliament to overturn Senate veto with a three-quarters majority.

• Local Governance: Abolish the Office of the Mayor and devolve its roles to other structures.

• Advertising Transparency:

  • Require public sector and political advertising to declare sponsored content, disclose spending, measure effectiveness, and apply ROI tests.

  • Mandate political parties and candidates to disclose payments to digital content creators.

• Labor Rights:

  • Allow independent trade unions.

  • Review the tripartite system.

  • Permit workers to form non-NTUC associations.

• Information Access:

  • Institute a Freedom of Information Act for citizen requests.

  • Declassify National Archives after 25 years, with “Secret” material subject to requests.

  • Release Cabinet papers after 40 years.

  • Publish government population projections for 2040 and 2050.

5. Security and Geopolitics

The WP proposes reforms to strengthen judicial independence, enhance public safety, promote environmental sustainability, and bolster national defense and diplomacy.

• Judicial Reforms:

  • Enhance judicial oversight of ministerial decisions under acts like the Foreign Interference (Countermeasures) Act (FICA) and Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA), with court appeals and in-camera proceedings for national security.

  • Protect judicial independence by removing fixed-term Judicial Commissioners.

  • Amend the Administration of Justice Act to remove government immunity.

  • Restore the “real risk” threshold for scandalizing the judiciary.

  • Separate the Attorney-General’s roles into Public Prosecutor and Government Legal Advisor.

  • Raise judges’ retirement age from 65 to 70.

  • Have capital cases decided by a tribunal of two judges with unanimous decision.

  • Remove the mandatory death penalty.

• Policing and Scams:

  • Enhance scam protections with an insurance scheme, a $500 consumer liability cap, and a Scam Victim Restitution Fund.

  • Have the Competition and Consumer Commission of Singapore (CCCS) enforce standards.

  • Safeguard arrested persons’ rights with legal information, early lawyer access, and video-recorded interviews.

  • Establish an Independent Police Complaints Commission.

• Community Organizations:

  • Depoliticize taxpayer-funded organizations.

  • Abolish the Grassroots Advisor (GRA) position in the People’s Association (PA), led by neutral civil servants.

  • Foster ground-up National Sports Associations (NSAs).

  • Create an independent arts body for licensing and grants.

• Environmental Sustainability:

  • Balance urban development with stronger environmental laws.

  • Monitor land use and designate secondary forests as reserves.

  • Conduct public Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs).

  • Increase renewables to 30% by 2030, 40% by 2035, and 50% by 2040.

  • Track natural capital in national income.

  • Preserve forests and mangroves.

  • Address greenwashing.

  • Make public EIAs and Environmental Management and Monitoring Plans (EMMPs).

• Anti-Discrimination:

  • Legislate against discrimination.

  • Survey workplace harassment.

  • Criminalize uncovered behaviors.

• National Defense:

  • Strengthen countermeasures against grey zone tactics.

  • Increase surveillance.

  • Enhance defense agreements.

  • Promote media literacy in schools and National Service (NS).

  • Protect subsea interests.

  • Enhance repair capabilities.

  • Implement psychological fitness assessments like the US Army General Assessment Tool (GAT).

  • Provide resilience training.

  • Defend digital space with Digital and Intelligence Service (DIS) integration.

  • Establish a vulnerability equities process.

• Security Budgets:

  • Raise National Servicemen Full-time (NSFs)’ salaries to the median $1,600 per month, renamed “NS salary” with CPF contributions.

  • Ensure equal opportunities in the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF).

  • Provide fair representation.

  • Increase transparency in the Ministry of Defence (MINDEF) budget, currently $23.44 billion for FY2025, with $22.0 billion for military expenditure, broken down into equipment, maintenance, allowances, and salaries.

  • Grant Public Accounts Committee access.

• Internal Resilience:

  • Maintain domestic manufacturing for essentials.

  • Grant legislative powers for emergencies.

  • Increase local farm uptake to 30% of nutritional needs by 2030.

  • Establish long-term contracts with institutional buyers.

  • Repeal the Internal Security Act (ISA).

  • Replace ISA with an anti-terrorism law with limited detention and court trials.

• Diplomacy and Trade:

  • Strengthen ASEAN with majority voting, enforcement, collaboration, and people-to-people exchanges.

  • Support Myanmar stability via the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus.

  • Enforce arms export bans.

  • Support maritime peace in East Asia.

  • Encourage adherence to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

  • Finalize the South China Sea (SCS) Code of Conduct.

  • Recognize the State of Palestine and support a two-state solution.

  • Establish a Singapore Agency for International Development for Official Development Assistance (ODA), focusing on Southeast Asia.

Conclusion

The WP’s manifesto builds on its 2020 manifesto, retaining unimplemented proposals and introducing new ones based on resident feedback.

The party emphasizes that its policies are developed independently of the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP), focusing on gaps in existing systems.

While the WP’s proposals are ambitious, their feasibility depends on parliamentary support and economic conditions.

For instance, the wealth tax and GST exemptions may face resistance due to fiscal implications, while electoral reforms like abolishing GRCs could spark debate over representation.

The WP’s focus on affordability and equality resonates with public concerns, but implementation would require careful prioritization and collaboration.

The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) released its manifesto for Singapore's 2025 General Election under the slogan “Thrive, Not Just Survive,” presenting a comprehensive set of policy proposals to address key national issues.

1. Cost of Living

The SDP highlights Singapore’s rising cost of living, driven by high housing prices, healthcare costs, and regressive taxation like the Goods and Services Tax (GST). The party critiques policies that burden the middle and lower classes while wealth concentrates among the elite.

• Tax Reforms:
  • Abolish GST on essential items (e.g., food, medicine, school supplies) to reduce costs of necessities. No specific list of items or fiscal impact estimate is provided.
  • Increase income tax on the top 1% of earners to fund social programs. No tax rate or revenue target is specified.
  • Reinstate estate duty to address wealth inequality. No thresholds, rates, or expected revenue are detailed.
• Ministerial Salary Reduction:
  • Cut ministerial salaries significantly, redirecting savings to aid lower-income households. No specific reduction amount or savings estimate is provided (current ministerial salaries: ~S$1.1M–S$3.2M annually, 2022 data).
• Minimum Wage:
  • Introduce a minimum wage to ensure a living wage. No specific wage amount (e.g., S$2,000/month) or implementation timeline is stated.
• Economic Transparency:
  • Enhance transparency in managing national reserves to ensure equitable use. No mechanisms (e.g., audits, parliamentary oversight) or reserve figures are specified.

2. Housing

The SDP criticizes the high cost of Housing and Development Board (HDB) flats, driven by land costs and the 99-year lease decay issue. The party proposes restructuring the housing system to prioritize affordability and sustainability.

• Non-Open Market (NOM) Scheme:
  • Cap HDB flat prices at S$270,000, excluding land costs, with flats sold back to HDB upon resale to maintain affordability. No details on flat types (e.g., 3-room, 4-room) or locations covered are provided (2024 BTO prices: ~S$300,000–S$600,000).
• Voluntary En-bloc Redevelopment Scheme (VERS):
  • Introduce a sustainable VERS to address lease decay, enabling collective redevelopment. No specifics on funding, scale, or eligible estates are mentioned.
• Increase Housing Supply:
  • Build more affordable flats to meet demand, reducing waiting times and prices. No specific figure for annual flat supply (e.g., 20,000 flats/year, as in 2024 HDB data) or demand metrics (e.g., marriage rates) is provided.

3. Jobs and Wages

The SDP aims to prioritize Singaporeans in employment, reduce reliance on foreign labor, and address wage stagnation, particularly for Professionals, Managers, Executives, and Technicians (PMETs), in a workforce where foreign workers comprise ~39% (2024 data).

• Minimum Wage:
  • Implement a minimum wage to ensure a living wage. No specific amount or benchmark (e.g., S$2,000/month) is provided.
• Talent Track Scheme:
  • Introduce a points-based system for foreign PMETs, prioritizing Singaporeans for hiring and retrenchment protection. No criteria (e.g., skills, experience) or quotas are specified.
• Foreign Labor Reduction:
  • Gradually reduce reliance on foreign workers to create opportunities for Singaporeans. No target percentage (e.g., from 39% to 30%) or timeline is stated.
• CPF Minimum Sum Reform:
  • Eliminate the CPF Minimum Sum Scheme (Full Retirement Sum: ~S$213,000, 2024) to provide retirement flexibility. No alternative savings mechanism is proposed.

4. Social Safety Net

The SDP seeks to strengthen social support, focusing on healthcare, marginalized communities, and gender equality, replacing complex schemes with accessible programs.

• National Health Investment Fund (NHIF):
  • Replace the 3M system (Medisave, Medishield, Medifund) with NHIF, where citizens contribute a fixed monthly amount, and the government funds the rest via taxes. No contribution amount (e.g., S$50/month) or total cost estimate is provided.
  • Make maternal and pediatric care mostly free. No scope (e.g., age limit for pediatric care) or budget is specified.
• Malay Community Upliftment:
  • Implement a 10-point plan to address economic inequality, education access, and discrimination. No specific actions (e.g., scholarship funding, employment quotas) or metrics are detailed.
• Gender Equality:
  • Promote women’s rights via the SDP Women’s Wing, focusing on healthcare, work-life balance, and anti-discrimination. No specific programs (e.g., subsidies, leave policies) or funding is outlined.

5. Education

The SDP critiques Singapore’s exam-driven education system for fostering stress and inequality, proposing reforms to prioritize holistic development.

• Abolish PSLE:
  • Eliminate the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE) to reduce student stress. No replacement assessment (e.g., portfolios) or transition plan is detailed.
• Smaller Class Sizes:
  • Reduce class sizes to improve learning. No target size (e.g., from 33.6 to 25 for primary, 2023 data) or funding estimate is provided.
• Holistic Curriculum:
  • Emphasize critical thinking, creativity, and socio-emotional skills. No specific curriculum changes or teacher training plans are outlined.
• Equal Opportunities:
  • Address socio-economic disparities in education. No interventions (e.g., subsidies) or disparity metrics (e.g., low-income student percentage) are specified.

6. Governance

The SDP addresses concerns over the People’s Action Party’s (PAP) dominance and restrictions on freedom of expression, seeking to enhance transparency and civil liberties.

• Ministerial Salaries:
  • Reduce ministerial salaries to align with public service ethos. No specific reduction amount is provided.
• Freedom of Speech:
  • Reform laws like the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) to protect constitutional rights. No specific mechanisms (e.g., judicial oversight) are detailed.
• Constitutional Reforms:
  • Strengthen civil liberties through constitutional amendments. No specific articles or amendments are specified.
• Government-Linked Companies (GLCs):
  • Divest inefficient GLCs to foster competition. No list of targeted GLCs or economic impact estimates is provided.
• Regional Democratic Partnerships:
  • Foster partnerships with democratic neighbors (e.g., Malaysia, Indonesia). No specific agreements or initiatives are outlined.

7. Environment

The SDP emphasizes environmental sustainability, addressing climate change and resource management in a densely populated nation.

• Climate Commitments:
  • Strengthen adherence to the Paris Agreement through emissions targets and renewable energy. No specific targets (e.g., 50% emissions cut by 2030) are provided.
• Electric Vehicles (EVs):
  • Provide incentives for EV adoption to reduce emissions. No details on subsidies (e.g., amount per vehicle) or infrastructure (e.g., charging stations) are included.
• Population Control:
  • Oppose population growth to 10 million, rejecting long-term planning scenarios (e.g., 2013 White Paper). No alternative population cap (e.g., 6M) is proposed.
• Haze Pollution:
  • Enforce the Transboundary Haze Pollution Act. No specific actions (e.g., fines, regional agreements) are detailed.
• Waste Reduction:
  • Reduce single-use packaging. No targets (e.g., 50% reduction by 2030) or mechanisms (e.g., bans) are specified.

Conclusion

Launched ahead of the May 3, 2025, General Election, the SDP’s manifesto reflects its social liberal democratic vision, emphasizing affordability, equity, and sustainability.

Key proposals, such as the S$270,000 HDB price cap and opposition to a 10 million population, include specific figures, but most policies (e.g., building more flats, minimum wage, class size reductions) lack quantitative details, such as numerical targets or cost estimates.

Implementation challenges include fiscal costs (e.g., NHIF, GST exemptions), political resistance to bold reforms (e.g., PSLE abolition, GLC divestment), and the SDP’s limited electoral success (no seats since 1997).

During the PSP's manifesto launch early this month (Apr 6), Dr Tan Cheng Bock, the party's chairman, criticized the government's response to the US tariffs as "overblown".

He suggested that the government's strong warnings, such as Prime Minister Lawrence Wong's (PM Wong) statement on about the "likelihood of a full-blown global trade war," might be an attempt to "instil fear" in voters to make them choose the incumbent as a "safe bet" ahead of the General Election.

In a YouTube video, PM Wong urged Singaporeans to brace themselves because the risks are real and the stakes high.

Dr Tan called for economists to study the real impact of the tariffs. "Don't just make statements of this kind and scare everybody," he said.

To worry or not to worry?

On Saturday (Apr 19), Dr Tan reiterated his party’s stance on the trade war, calling it “a very difficult problem, but a very serious problem” that “we are not taking lightly”.

He said: "Trump is so unpredictable. I cannot give you the answer also. But i don't think that we are just lying low and say oh, nothing to worry. of course, we worry differently. We are looking for answers. This is a very difficult, serious problem. And we are not taking it lightly."

PSP's position on the US tariffs reflects a critical view of the government's initial response as potentially exaggerated for political gain but later recognized the trade war's significant economic implications that should not be taken lightly.

29,564 voters in Jalan Kayu SMC will likely have to choose between two kayus come May 3, 2025: Ng Chee Meng, the People's Action Party's NTUC chief tainted by the 2024 Allianz-Income debacle, and Kala Manickam, Red Dot United's (RDU) combative educator whose 2021 PSP lawsuit reveals a divisive streak.

Background on Ng Chee Meng and Kala Manickam

Ng Chee Meng, 56, served as Chief of Air Force (2009–2013) and Chief of Defence Force (2013–2015) in the Singapore Armed Forces.

Entering politics with the People’s Action Party (PAP) in 2015, he won Pasir Ris–Punggol GRC but lost Sengkang GRC in 2020 (47.88% votes).

As NTUC Secretary-General since 2018, Ng has championed workforce development and workers' rights. Yet, his endorsement of the 2024 Allianz-Income deal, marred by a S$1.85 billion capital extraction and transparency lapses, paints him as either complicit in prioritizing profits or negligent in oversight.

Kala Manickam, 57, is a relatable yet polarizing opposition candidate, bringing a mix of grassroots appeal and contentious history.

A single mother, specialist educator, and SME owner, she holds a Master’s in Lifelong Learning and was a pioneer female officer in the Singapore Armed Forces, serving seven years as a lieutenant.

Kala's 2020 run in Nee Soon GRC with the Progress Singapore Party (PSP) yielded 38.76% of votes, but her expulsion from PSP in December 2020 led to a 2021 lawsuit alleging wrongful termination. The lawsuit was later settled amicably but revealed a divisive streak through accusations of insubordination and solo campaigning.

Now with Red Dot United (RDU), Kala is the likely candidate for Jalan Kayu SMC, advocating for job retraining and cost-of-living relief.

Ng Chee Meng's NTUC-Allianz controversy

In July 2024, NTUC and Allianz proposed a S$2.2 billion acquisition deal to bolster NTUC Income's competitiveness.

In an August 2024 statement with NTUC President K Thanaletchimi, he endorsed the deal, assuring that Allianz would honor Income’s social mission and existing policies.

But the devil was in the details: a S$1.85 billion capital extraction plan would have seen Allianz recoup nearly half its investment, potentially draining reserves meant to keep premiums low.

The Singapore government, led by Minister Edwin Tong, blocked the deal on October 14, 2024, citing its clash with Income’s 2022 corporatization goal of building financial strength for policyholders.

As NTUC Enterprise board member and NTUC chief, Ng’s claim that the central committee was unaware of the capital extraction plan until disclosure is damning.

Yet, the capital extraction plan—described by former Income CEO Tan Suee Chieh as a “breach of good faith”—contradicted this.

Ng’s claim of acting in “good faith” rings hollow when his dual roles as NTUC leader and NTUC Enterprise board member placed him at the heart of decision-making.

If Ng knew about the extraction and supported it, he’s complicit in prioritizing profits over people.

If he didn’t know, as he claims, he’s guilty of negligence—a damning indictment for a former Chief of Defence Force who built his career on precision and accountability.

SMU’s Eugene Tan called this ignorance “mind-boggling".

This isn’t Ng’s first misstep.

In January 2025, he attributed job insecurity to AI, ignoring netizens’ concerns over foreign manpower policies, alienating workers facing stagnant wages and sparked backlash for misreading ground sentiments..

His 2020 Sengkang GRC loss (47.88% vote share) already marks him as vulnerable.

Ng’s military pedigree and NTUC role are assets, but the Allianz saga reveals a leader either too cozy with corporate interests or too lax to notice their overreach.

His inability to anticipate public outrage—or even know the deal’s terms—undermines his claim to represent workers.

Jalan Kayu’s voters, wary of PAP’s perceived elitism, may question whether Ng prioritizes their needs or the party line. His campaign’s reliance on PAP machinery, despite his “own merits” rhetoric, risks reinforcing this skepticism.

Kala Manickam's PSP controversy

In July 2021, Kala sued PSP in the High Court (later transferred to State Courts), seeking a declaration that her December 2020 termination was “wrongful and invalid” and a S$10,000 refund for election expenses (e.g., fliers, pamphlets).

She argued PSP violated its constitution and due process, claiming she was not informed of specific charges, given no chance to defend herself, and unaware of investigation outcomes.

PSP’s seven affidavits, including from Tan Cheng Bock, painted her as “disruptive” and “insubordinate,” bullying teammates, and undermining cohesion.

Kala's fellow Nee Soon GRC candidate Damien Tay described her as putting her self-interests ahead of the team, during the run-up to the elections. He and candidate Taufik Supan cited how she "went about doing her own things", such as going on solo walkabouts, skipping team meetings and amassing a volunteer pool for herself.

A 17-member petition - including Kala's own election agent - and 55-to-11 cadre vote against her reinstatement bolstered PSP’s case.

Tan Cheng Bock pointed to a November 2020 meeting in where she was confrontational, as if "raring for a fight"; and "aggressively questioned… proof of her wrongdoings by shouting: 'WHAT PROOF? WHAT PROOF?'".

Kala’s public airing of grievances—via Facebook and court—signals a principled stand but also a divisive style.

Her actions suggest a lone-wolf mentality, ill-suited for Singapore’s collaborative politics.

Her move to Red Dot United (RDU), a smaller party, looks opportunistic, especially after RDU chief Ravi Philemon’s own PSP exit.

Kala’s SAF and educator roles show leadership, but her PSP fallout reveals a failure to build alliances.

Ng benefits from PAP’s ground game and Jalan Kayu’s Ang Mo Kio roots, but his Allianz misstep and Sengkang loss make him vulnerable.

Kala’s relatable story and opposition unity give her an edge, but her PSP saga and lesser-known status limit her reach.

The Workers’ Party’s absence (no confirmed candidate) and People's Power Party potential entry could complicate vote splits, though RDU’s coordination mitigates this.

In Jalan Kayu SMC, it's not about picking a winner, but rather, who is the sturdier of two kayus.