Fathership

许宝琨认为政府在意识形态上并不反对最低工资,但渐进工资模式效果更好

许宝琨认为,很难为所有行业的最低工资设定统一标准。

|1 min read
许宝琨认为政府在意识形态上并不反对最低工资,但渐进工资模式效果更好
<p>全国职工总会副秘书长兼卫生部高级政务部长许宝琨周四(10月15日)表示,政府在意识形态上并不反对最低工资,但采取单一、一刀切的最低工资标准存在风险。</p> <p>许宝琨的演讲针对工人党成员最近的言论,包括反对党领袖Pritam Singh,他呼吁政府考虑在新加坡实施1300 新元的统一最低工资标准。</p> <h2>绝大多数低收入工人的工资高于拟议的最低工资水平</h2> <p>许宝琨在演讲中称赞“渐进工资模式”(PWM)在过去10年里帮助至少20%的工人大幅提高了工资,同时缓解了新加坡收入不平等的状况。</p> <p>“PWM提高了近8万名清洁工、保安和园林工人的工资。近年来,他们的工资增加了30 %,而工作岗位并没有减少。”许宝琨说。</p> <p>因此,“绝大多数”低薪工人的收入都在1300 新元以上,这也是工人党(WP)提出的最低工资标准,许宝琨说。</p> <p>许宝琨引用人力部的统计数字指出,收入低于1300 新元的工人人数还有约10万。他补充说,其中有四分之一是自由职业者,因此他们无论如何也不会从最低工资中受益。</p> <p>在工作福利补助对工资低于2300 新元的工人补足收入后,收入低于1300 新元的工人约有3.2万人,约占新加坡本地劳动力的1.7 %。</p> <p>“所以,工人党计划通过提出1300 新元的最低工资标准来实现的目标,我们已经通过渐进工资模式、工作福利补贴和其他政策措施实现了。”许宝琨说。</p> <h2>在意识形态上不反对最低工资</h2> <p>他说,政府在提高低收入工人工资方面已经取得了“长足进步”,尽管他承认这仍然是“未完成的任务”。</p> <p>许宝琨还澄清说,政府“在意识形态上并不反对”最低工资。</p> <p>他说,渐进工资模式中工资的第一阶梯是部门最低工资,而且高级部长Tharman Shanmugaratnam此前将渐进工资模式称为“最低工资加”,即最低工资,加上通过提高技能来增加工资的阶梯。</p> <p>许宝琨强调,制定“某种形式的最低工资”并不是新的想法,政府与工人党提高低薪工人收入的目标一致,尽管他们在实现这一目标的方法上可能有所不同。</p> <h2>难以为所有部门制定合适的最低工资标准</h2> <p>许宝琨认为,统一最低工资标准的问题是很难确定所有部门的适当基数。 </p> <p>例如,如果标准设定太低,那么许多部门工人的利益就会受到限制,这就违背了最低工资的目的。</p> <p>他举例说,在强制渐进工资模式下,如今镇议会清洁工的月薪已达1,422 新元,比提议的1,300 新元最低工资还要高,甚至还不算工人的额外补贴,如就业入息补助金和加班费。</p> <p>另一方面,如果最低工资设定太高,那么企业,特别是中小型企业(SMEs)可能无法支付工人的工资。</p> <p>这可能导致企业将成本转嫁给消费者,或者减少雇用教育程度或技能较低的工人。在最坏情况下,这可能导致企业倒闭。</p> <p>他补充道,虽然大家都想帮助低收入工人,但制定最低工资必须有一个基础,使其反映每个部门的“现实情况”,以保持最低工资的可持续性,避免意外成本。</p> <h2>最低工资的潜在政治问题</h2> <p>设立单一的一刀切最低工资也是有风险的,因为这会导致“工资设定不可避免地政治化”,许宝琨说道。</p> <p>他解释说,如果拟定的1,300 新元最低工资获得通过,政治组织可能会利用最低工资作为争取支持的一种方式,承诺稳步提高民众的最低工资,但这可能是不可持续的。</p> <p>许宝琨说,这种“政治拍卖”迹象在其他国家已经发生,它将使新加坡的低技术工人价值下降,并且对较小企业不利。</p> <p>“在政治竞争中,一个政党很可能会过来说1500 新元反映了更高的‘道德要求‘。然而另一个政党会说1,300 新元很好,1,500 新元更好,但1,700 新元是更‘神圣的‘道德要求。这可能会成为一场政治拍卖,”许宝琨说。</p> <p>另一方面,由于渐进工资模式采用的是“部门、三方建立共识的方式”,即政府与每个行业的不同利益相关者接触,并达成共识,因此出现政治拍卖的可能性较小,许宝琨解释道。</p> <p><img src="https://imgur.com/sniATDg.jpg"></p> <p>改善低薪工人的生活和生计是一项庞大的工作——我们人民行动党同志以及工人运动中的兄弟姐妹们在过去60年里一直在倡导这项工作。这绝不是一项简单的任务。它是实实在在的、艰苦的工作。</p> <p>基于数十年来的经验,我们一致认为,以行业支持、三方合作的形式来推动工作,才能带来有意义的改变。渐进工资模式(PWM)就是这样做的——在保持商业竞争力的同时,持续改善低薪工人的收入。工资与技能提升挂钩,确保工人有机会在工作中取得更大收获。我们正在做更多的工作来扩展渐进工资模式。</p> <p>为所有行业制定适当的单一工资并不容易。而在确定这种一刀切的工资时,我们要冒着政治拍卖的风险,这种拍卖最终可能会使低技术工人竞争力减弱,使企业,特别是中小企业无法运转。我们是否也在追求将这一基本工资适用于外籍家庭佣工等外籍工人的“道德要求”,</p> <p>今天在议会,我和议员同事会继续介绍我们的案例,来说明渐进工资模式是一个更好的模式。撇开争论,我们的工作还在继续,因为我们要扩展渐进工资模式,并探索使更多低薪工人受益的补充方法—这正好伴随着我们共同努力帮助自己走出这场经济衰退。</p> <p>更多信息点击 https://bit.ly/2SVEEWp</p> <p>上图来自Gov.sg/YouTube.</p>
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新加坡无法在中美冲突中保持真正中立

在全球地缘政治的风暴中,新加坡如何驾驭大国博弈?选择中立意味着在经济与安全上避免与任何一方结盟。然而,新加坡对中美两大市场的深层依赖,迫使其采取务实外交。这不是中立性的试炼——而是实力的彰显。通过在供应链、科技与外交领域砥砺锋芒,新加坡并非规避站队,而是化被动为主动,让大国竞相争取其青睐。这不是中立——这是实力。

|1 min read
新加坡无法在中美冲突中保持真正中立

新加坡能否在动荡的地缘政治格局中保持中立?

前贸易及工业部长、现任教育部长陈振声在新传媒播客中指出,问题不在于选择站队——有时这由不得你——而在于让新加坡变得如此不可或缺,以至于各方都想分一杯羹。

陈部长的洞见凸显了新加坡务实的外交策略,但却掩盖了一个冷峻的事实:在中美之间深厚的经济与战略纠葛面前,中立不过是一场海市蜃楼。

中立承诺公正,但新加坡的现实与之背道而驰

由于与美国和中国的经济、战略及地缘政治联系根深蒂固,新加坡在中美贸易战中无法保持真正中立。

2023年,中国占新加坡出口的14%(830亿美元),进口的13%;美国则占出口的13%(760亿美元),进口的10%。

美国的外国直接投资(2340亿美元)是新加坡经济增长的引擎,而中国的“一带一路”倡议则充分利用新加坡港口的枢纽地位,2024年处理了3700万标准箱(TEU)。

新加坡支持美国主导的印太框架,如2022年启动的“印太经济繁荣框架”(IPEF)。这一由14国(不含中国)组成的联盟,旨在促进贸易与供应链韧性。

被排除在IPEF之外的中国,将其视为美国遏制其地区影响力的棋局。中国外交部长王毅痛斥这是经济“脱钩”与“煽动对抗”的企图。

2024年,中国官媒点名批评新加坡在IPEF中的角色,暗示可能招致贸易报复,至今虽未见实质行动,但信号清晰:当最大贸易伙伴感到被背叛,中立不过是镜花水月。

在东盟走钢丝:平衡大国与区域挑战

在安全领域,新加坡依赖美国,尤其是在动荡地区维持威慑力量,这使其战略天平有所倾斜。

真正的中立要求疏远与美国的防务合作,但面对区域威胁——包括中国在南海对东盟的强硬姿态——这一选项几无可能。

尽管新加坡在南海没有主权声索,但其支持基于规则的国际秩序,暗中配合美国针对中国主张的“航行自由”行动。这一立场在《2024年新加坡外交政策报告》中清晰阐述,引发中国不满,重创其中立形象。

作为东盟核心成员,新加坡致力于区域团结。然而,东盟内部裂痕——柬埔寨与老挝亲近中国,菲律宾与越南倾向美国——使中立成为外交雷区。

新加坡的真正策略:不是中立,而是实力

选择中立意味着在经济与安全上避免与任何一方结盟,但新加坡对中美市场的依赖迫使其采取务实外交。

偏向一方可能疏远另一方,而超然物外则可能使新加坡在全球贸易网络中被边缘化。

因此,新加坡追求“战略自主”——两面下注、多元化伙伴关系、保持最大灵活性。这种策略宛如一辆精密战车,游走于大国博弈之间,而不被任何一方完全吞并。

2023年,新加坡6000亿新元的经济在关税逆风中仍增长1.2%,彰显其非凡韧性。

新加坡的真正优势不在于回避站队,而在于让自己成为不可或缺的枢纽,让大国竞相拉拢。

这不是中立——这是实力。

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PSP Tan Cheng Bock now admits that we have to worry about US tariffs

Dr Tan called PM Wong's statement on the US tariffs as a fear-mongering but later admitted that it's a very serious problem.

|2 min read
PSP Tan Cheng Bock now admits that we have to worry about US tariffs

During the PSP's manifesto launch early this month (Apr 6), Dr Tan Cheng Bock, the party's chairman, criticized the government's response to the US tariffs as "overblown".

He suggested that the government's strong warnings, such as Prime Minister Lawrence Wong's (PM Wong) statement on about the "likelihood of a full-blown global trade war," might be an attempt to "instil fear" in voters to make them choose the incumbent as a "safe bet" ahead of the General Election.

In a YouTube video, PM Wong urged Singaporeans to brace themselves because the risks are real and the stakes high.

Dr Tan called for economists to study the real impact of the tariffs. "Don't just make statements of this kind and scare everybody," he said.

To worry or not to worry?

On Saturday (Apr 19), Dr Tan reiterated his party’s stance on the trade war, calling it “a very difficult problem, but a very serious problem” that “we are not taking lightly”.

He said: "Trump is so unpredictable. I cannot give you the answer also. But i don't think that we are just lying low and say oh, nothing to worry. of course, we worry differently. We are looking for answers. This is a very difficult, serious problem. And we are not taking it lightly."

PSP's position on the US tariffs reflects a critical view of the government's initial response as potentially exaggerated for political gain but later recognized the trade war's significant economic implications that should not be taken lightly.

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Jalan Kayu SMC presented with two questionable Kayus - Ng Chee Meng and Kala Manickam

In Jalan Kayu SMC, it's not about picking a winner, but rather, who is the sturdier of two Kayus.

|5 min read
Jalan Kayu SMC presented with two questionable Kayus - Ng Chee Meng and Kala Manickam

29,564 voters in Jalan Kayu SMC will likely have to choose between two kayus come May 3, 2025: Ng Chee Meng, the People's Action Party's NTUC chief tainted by the 2024 Allianz-Income debacle, and Kala Manickam, Red Dot United's (RDU) combative educator whose 2021 PSP lawsuit reveals a divisive streak.

Background on Ng Chee Meng and Kala Manickam

Ng Chee Meng, 56, served as Chief of Air Force (2009–2013) and Chief of Defence Force (2013–2015) in the Singapore Armed Forces.

Entering politics with the People’s Action Party (PAP) in 2015, he won Pasir Ris–Punggol GRC but lost Sengkang GRC in 2020 (47.88% votes).

As NTUC Secretary-General since 2018, Ng has championed workforce development and workers' rights. Yet, his endorsement of the 2024 Allianz-Income deal, marred by a S$1.85 billion capital extraction and transparency lapses, paints him as either complicit in prioritizing profits or negligent in oversight.

Kala Manickam, 57, is a relatable yet polarizing opposition candidate, bringing a mix of grassroots appeal and contentious history.

A single mother, specialist educator, and SME owner, she holds a Master’s in Lifelong Learning and was a pioneer female officer in the Singapore Armed Forces, serving seven years as a lieutenant.

Kala's 2020 run in Nee Soon GRC with the Progress Singapore Party (PSP) yielded 38.76% of votes, but her expulsion from PSP in December 2020 led to a 2021 lawsuit alleging wrongful termination. The lawsuit was later settled amicably but revealed a divisive streak through accusations of insubordination and solo campaigning.

Now with Red Dot United (RDU), Kala is the likely candidate for Jalan Kayu SMC, advocating for job retraining and cost-of-living relief.

Ng Chee Meng's NTUC-Allianz controversy

In July 2024, NTUC and Allianz proposed a S$2.2 billion acquisition deal to bolster NTUC Income's competitiveness.

In an August 2024 statement with NTUC President K Thanaletchimi, he endorsed the deal, assuring that Allianz would honor Income’s social mission and existing policies.

But the devil was in the details: a S$1.85 billion capital extraction plan would have seen Allianz recoup nearly half its investment, potentially draining reserves meant to keep premiums low.

The Singapore government, led by Minister Edwin Tong, blocked the deal on October 14, 2024, citing its clash with Income’s 2022 corporatization goal of building financial strength for policyholders.

As NTUC Enterprise board member and NTUC chief, Ng’s claim that the central committee was unaware of the capital extraction plan until disclosure is damning.

Yet, the capital extraction plan—described by former Income CEO Tan Suee Chieh as a “breach of good faith”—contradicted this.

Ng’s claim of acting in “good faith” rings hollow when his dual roles as NTUC leader and NTUC Enterprise board member placed him at the heart of decision-making.

If Ng knew about the extraction and supported it, he’s complicit in prioritizing profits over people.

If he didn’t know, as he claims, he’s guilty of negligence—a damning indictment for a former Chief of Defence Force who built his career on precision and accountability.

SMU’s Eugene Tan called this ignorance “mind-boggling".

This isn’t Ng’s first misstep.

In January 2025, he attributed job insecurity to AI, ignoring netizens’ concerns over foreign manpower policies, alienating workers facing stagnant wages and sparked backlash for misreading ground sentiments..

His 2020 Sengkang GRC loss (47.88% vote share) already marks him as vulnerable.

Ng’s military pedigree and NTUC role are assets, but the Allianz saga reveals a leader either too cozy with corporate interests or too lax to notice their overreach.

His inability to anticipate public outrage—or even know the deal’s terms—undermines his claim to represent workers.

Jalan Kayu’s voters, wary of PAP’s perceived elitism, may question whether Ng prioritizes their needs or the party line. His campaign’s reliance on PAP machinery, despite his “own merits” rhetoric, risks reinforcing this skepticism.

Kala Manickam's PSP controversy

In July 2021, Kala sued PSP in the High Court (later transferred to State Courts), seeking a declaration that her December 2020 termination was “wrongful and invalid” and a S$10,000 refund for election expenses (e.g., fliers, pamphlets).

She argued PSP violated its constitution and due process, claiming she was not informed of specific charges, given no chance to defend herself, and unaware of investigation outcomes.

PSP’s seven affidavits, including from Tan Cheng Bock, painted her as “disruptive” and “insubordinate,” bullying teammates, and undermining cohesion.

Kala's fellow Nee Soon GRC candidate Damien Tay described her as putting her self-interests ahead of the team, during the run-up to the elections. He and candidate Taufik Supan cited how she "went about doing her own things", such as going on solo walkabouts, skipping team meetings and amassing a volunteer pool for herself.

A 17-member petition - including Kala's own election agent - and 55-to-11 cadre vote against her reinstatement bolstered PSP’s case.

Tan Cheng Bock pointed to a November 2020 meeting in where she was confrontational, as if "raring for a fight"; and "aggressively questioned… proof of her wrongdoings by shouting: 'WHAT PROOF? WHAT PROOF?'".

Kala’s public airing of grievances—via Facebook and court—signals a principled stand but also a divisive style.

Her actions suggest a lone-wolf mentality, ill-suited for Singapore’s collaborative politics.

Her move to Red Dot United (RDU), a smaller party, looks opportunistic, especially after RDU chief Ravi Philemon’s own PSP exit.

Kala’s SAF and educator roles show leadership, but her PSP fallout reveals a failure to build alliances.

Ng benefits from PAP’s ground game and Jalan Kayu’s Ang Mo Kio roots, but his Allianz misstep and Sengkang loss make him vulnerable.

Kala’s relatable story and opposition unity give her an edge, but her PSP saga and lesser-known status limit her reach.

The Workers’ Party’s absence (no confirmed candidate) and People's Power Party potential entry could complicate vote splits, though RDU’s coordination mitigates this.

In Jalan Kayu SMC, it's not about picking a winner, but rather, who is the sturdier of two kayus.

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Chee Soon Juan's choice of Ariffin Sha raises questions on vetting

No system guarantees flawless candidates, but knowingly selecting a convict pre-election reflects a clearer lapse in judgment.

|2 min read
Chee Soon Juan's choice of Ariffin Sha raises questions on vetting

Singapore Democratic Party’s (SDP) Chee Soon Juan has made a questionable choice nominating Ariffin Sha, the 27-year-old founder of Wake Up, Singapore (WUSG), to contest Marsiling-Yew Tee GRC.

The decision is not a minor oversight—it points to a lapse in judgment that may cast doubts on Chee’s fitness for ministerial office.

While the People’s Action Party (PAP) has faced its own scandals involving individuals who were later convicted (Eg. Iswaran), these typically emerge after elections, not before.

Background

In August 2024, Ariffin was fined S$8,000 after pleading guilty to criminal defamation for publishing a fabricated story about KK Women’s and Children’s Hospital, falsely claiming a woman suffered a miscarriage due to negligence.

Chee’s response to Ariffin's red flag is has been evasive.

At a press conference on April 13, 2025, he urged voters to focus on SDP’s policies, not Ariffin’s past, and compared the case to former PAP Speaker Tan Chuan-Jin’s resignation over an extramarital affair. The comparison misses the mark: Tan’s personal lapse, while serious, did not involve lawbreaking or public harm.

Chee’s deflection sidesteps the core issue of vetting a candidate with a known conviction.

Leadership requires sound judgement

The PAP is not immune to scrutiny.

Cases like former Transport Minister S. Iswaran’s corruption charges in January 2024 and former Tampines GRC MP Cheng Li Hui’s affair with Speaker of Parliament Tan Chuan Jin reveal vetting gaps.

However, these issues emerged after elections. The PAP acted decisively, removing Iswaran from his post and asked both Tan Chuan Jin and Cheng Li Hui to resign.

No system guarantees flawless candidates, but knowingly selecting a convict pre-election reflects a clearer lapse in judgment.

Zero tolerance on misinformation

Ariffin’s case strikes at Singapore’s zero-tolerance stance on misinformation.

In 2024, POFMA was invoked 15 times to correct falsehoods, underscoring the harm of unchecked narratives. Ariffin’s defamation directly contravened this ethos, making his nomination a liability in a constituency where community cohesion is vital.

Residents value reliability in governance. Chee’s oversight suggests a disconnect, potentially eroding confidence in SDP’s ability to address bread-and-butter issues like job security and affordability.

Ariffin’s supporters may cite his work with Wake Up, Singapore, which amplifies marginalized voices, or argue his youth mitigates his error. These arguments carry limited weight.

Public office demands high standards, especially in Singapore, where trust underpins stability.

Ariffin’s conviction reflects a lapse in responsibility, and Chee’s endorsement suggests inadequate scrutiny.

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GE2025 - Here are the key points from PAP manifesto

PAP manifesto focuses on economic growth, education, social support, healthcare, housing, sustainability, arts, and social cohesion, with detailed initiatives in each area.

|8 min read
GE2025 - Here are the key points from PAP manifesto

The People's Action Party (PAP) launched their manifesto last Thursday (Apr 17), titled "Changed World, Fresh Team, New Resolve – Securing a Brighter Future for You."

Manifesto focuses on economic growth, education, social support, healthcare, housing, sustainability, arts, and social cohesion, with detailed initiatives in each area.

Here are the key points:

Economic Growth and Business Competitiveness

The PAP, as the ruling party, launched its manifesto on April 17, 2025, titled "Our Manifesto, Our Promise," at Infinite Studios. Prime Minister Lawrence Wong emphasized navigating global changes and defending Singapore's interests. Key proposals include:

  • Enhancing support for Professionals, Managers, Executives, and Technicians (PMETs) to thrive in a dynamic economy.
  • Nurturing Singaporean corporate leaders to drive local and global success, ensuring leadership in key industries.
  • Strengthening fair employment practices through legislation like the Workplace Fairness Act to protect workers' rights.
  • Maintaining Singapore's reputation as a reliable business hub, crucial for attracting foreign investment.
  • Investing in transport and digital infrastructure to enhance connectivity and efficiency, supporting business operations.
  • Adopting cutting-edge technologies, including Artificial Intelligence (AI), to boost productivity and innovation.
  • Securing clean energy sources, with exploration of nuclear power, to ensure sustainable economic growth.
  • Easing cost-of-living pressures through tax rebates and the Progressive Wage Credit Scheme, directly benefiting lower-income workers.
  • Enabling businesses to upgrade productivity through technological and operational advancements.
  • Facilitating access to manpower and capital for businesses to scale and innovate.
  • Supporting companies in expanding into new markets, enhancing Singapore's global economic footprint.

Education and Skills Development

Education is framed as a cornerstone for future success, with a focus on inclusivity and lifelong learning:

  • Redefining success to value diverse talents, moving beyond traditional academic metrics to recognize varied abilities.
  • Customizing education to cater to diverse abilities and interests, ensuring no student is left behind.
  • Investing in teachers' professional development to maintain high educational standards and adapt to new teaching methods.
  • Partnering with parents, industry, and communities to deliver holistic education, fostering well-rounded development.
  • Building four new Special Education (SPED) schools by 2030 to support students with special needs.
  • Establishing additional early intervention centers to identify and support developmental needs early.
  • Extending the Development Support-Learning Support Programme to more preschools, enhancing early childhood education.
  • Empowering Singaporeans to reskill and upskill through accessible programs, preparing them for future job markets.
  • Supporting companies in redesigning jobs and investing in worker training, aligning education with industry needs.
  • Introducing the SkillsFuture Jobseeker Support Scheme to aid job seekers, particularly during economic transitions.

This pillar aims to build a flexible and inclusive education system, though challenges may arise in scaling these initiatives effectively.

Social Support and Inclusion

Social support is a critical focus, aiming to uplift vulnerable groups and ensure inclusivity:

  • Strengthening ComCare and Silver Support schemes to provide financial assistance to low-income and elderly citizens.
  • Enhancing Workfare to support lower-wage workers, ensuring they benefit from economic growth.
  • Extending Progressive Wages to more sectors, aiming to raise wages for lower-income workers systematically.
  • Providing individualized support for lower-income families via ComLink+, tailoring assistance to specific needs.
  • Increasing childcare subsidies for disadvantaged families to ensure regular preschool attendance, promoting early education.
  • Strengthening post-18 transitions for young adults, supporting their entry into the workforce or further education.
  • Boosting employment opportunities for Persons with Disabilities (PwDs) through targeted initiatives, promoting inclusivity.
  • Increasing subsidies for adult disability services to improve accessibility and quality of care.
  • Piloting community living models for independent living, empowering PwDs to live autonomously.

These measures aim to create a more inclusive society, though their impact may vary based on funding and community uptake.

Healthcare and Well-Being

Healthcare initiatives are designed to cover the entire lifespan, ensuring comprehensive care:

  • Launching Grow Well SG for children and adolescents, focusing on early health and development.
  • Implementing Healthier SG for adults, promoting preventive care and healthy lifestyles.
  • Introducing Age Well SG for seniors, ensuring dignified aging with adequate support.
  • Innovating healthcare delivery through the Queenstown Health District, serving as a model for integrated care.
  • Adding 13,600 new hospital beds over five years to meet growing healthcare demands.
  • Redeveloping Alexandra Hospital to enhance facilities and services.
  • Opening Eastern General Hospital by 2030, expanding healthcare capacity in the east.
  • Growing the healthcare and nursing workforce to address staffing shortages and improve care quality.
  • Establishing a National Mental Health Office to coordinate efforts and expand access to mental health services.
  • Expanding access to mental health services across communities, addressing a critical public health need.

These initiatives aim to build a robust healthcare system, though challenges may include workforce retention and funding sustainability.

Housing and Urban Development

Housing remains a priority, addressing both supply and quality of living:

  • Building over 50,000 new HDB flats in three years, equivalent to an entire Ang Mo Kio town, to meet housing demand.
  • Increasing Shorter Waiting Time flats to reduce waiting periods for new homes.
  • Exploring public housing options for higher-income couples and singles, expanding access to HDB housing.
  • Ensuring a stable and sustainable property market through decisive measures, balancing supply and demand.
  • Rejuvenating HDB towns through the Voluntary Early Redevelopment Scheme (VERS), with examples like Mount Pleasant, Kallang-Whampoa ("white flats"), and Bayshore (waterfront living at East Coast Park).

These efforts aim to ensure affordable and quality housing, though market dynamics may pose implementation challenges.

Sustainability and Green Spaces

Sustainability is a key focus, balancing urban development with environmental care:

  • Creating 25 new parks to enhance green spaces for recreation and biodiversity.
  • Developing 50km of park connectors to improve connectivity for pedestrians and cyclists.
  • Establishing 13 therapeutic gardens to support mental and physical well-being.
  • Developing a second marine park at Lazarus South and Kusu Reef, protecting marine ecosystems.
  • Building new MRT lines, including Jurong Regional and Cross-Island Lines, to enhance public transport.
  • Extending existing MRT lines and enhancing bus services to improve accessibility and reduce car dependency.

These initiatives aim to create a sustainable urban environment, though their success may depend on community engagement and funding.

Arts, Culture, and Sports

Arts and culture are highlighted as vital for quality of life and national identity:

  • Expanding the SG Culture Pass to provide broader access to cultural experiences, promoting arts appreciation.
  • Promoting early arts exposure in schools and preschools, fostering creativity from a young age.
  • Offering more arts apprenticeships and scholarships to support emerging artists.
  • Providing additional arts spaces and support for artists, enhancing the cultural ecosystem.
  • Establishing a new Museum of Design to showcase creativity and innovation.
  • Developing Kallang Alive, including a new indoor arena and home for Team Singapore, boosting sports infrastructure.
  • Building new sports facilities in Clementi, Punggol, and Toa Payoh, and upgrading existing ones in Hougang, Pasir Ris, and Queenstown.

These efforts aim to enrich cultural and sporting life, though their impact may vary based on public participation.

Social Cohesion and Civic Engagement

Social cohesion is framed as essential for national unity and resilience:

  • Fostering a strong Singaporean identity rooted in shared values and experiences.
  • Upholding multi-racial and multi-religious values, ensuring harmony and inclusivity.
  • Enhancing integration efforts to build a cohesive society, particularly for new citizens.
  • Maintaining Singapore as an oasis of peace, emphasizing stability in a turbulent world.
  • Nurturing a culture of giving by connecting donors and volunteers with those in need, promoting community support.
  • Increasing avenues for civic participation, empowering citizens to contribute to nation-building.
  • Strengthening partnerships between the government and the people, fostering collaborative governance.

These measures aim to build a united and engaged society, though their effectiveness may depend on community buy-in.

Summary Table

PillarKey InitiativeTarget Beneficiaries
Economic GrowthAdopt AI and clean energyBusinesses, PMETs
EducationBuild 4 new SPED schools by 2030Students with special needs
Social SupportExtend Progressive Wages to more sectorsLower-wage workers
HealthcareAdd 13,600 new hospital beds in 5 yearsGeneral population
HousingBuild 50,000 new HDB flats in 3 yearsHome seekers
SustainabilityCreate 25 new parksResidents, environmentalists
Arts and CultureExpand SG Culture PassArts enthusiasts
Social CohesionEnhance integration effortsNew citizens, diverse groups